"There are limits to being a Boy Scout" - Jean
Chrétien
ESLaPorte -September 21,
2008
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Introduction
Theoretical Framework
Just what is meant by
"peacekeeping?"
Origins of the Canada First policy
Analysis
Conclusions
Endnotes
Introduction. The
peacekeeping of the Cold War era is what can be referred to as "traditional
peacekeeping." The traditional peacekeeping methodology involves lightly armed,
United Nations' monitors to monitor a cease-fire that had been agreed to by the
parties of the conflict. However, peace support missions have gotten messier
and more dangerous, especially in areas where the peacekeepers are not always
welcome by the conflicting parties. The tasks often include the interdiction of
arms smuggling, drug trafficking and preventing terrorist violence, such as in
Afghanistan. Many nations are not willing to risk their blood and treasure in
such messy and dangerous peacekeeping missions.
The globalizing world order is loaded with instability, failed
nations, religious and ethnic conflicts, international criminality, which can
spawn security threats. The threat that emerged after the Cold War and the end
of the bipolar system was the al-Qaeda terrorist network that perpetrated the
attacks of September 11, 2001. The al-Qaeda network has a global reach and is
believed to be plotting more attacks in Western countries, including Canada,
and the dangerous global security environment is also viewed as one that is
dangerous for Canada and Canadians.
The Canada First Defense Strategy is touted as a major
milestone in the Canadian government's commitment to rebuild the country's
military forces, with long term, predictable funding. The 20 year plan is
intended to enhance the place of Canada on the world stage and "project
leadership abroad." Also part of the Strategy is to connect the civilian
personnel and the defense industry, and develop a strong relationship with the
government. The Strategy calls for a partnership with the United States in the
defense of North America and collaboration with the North American Aerospace
Defence Command (NORAD).
While the Strategy is a chiefly a plan to fund and modernize
the Canadian Forces, it also is lacking the word "peacekeeping." What
"peacekeeping" appears to have been replaced with is "stability operations"
that are focused on the more complex and dangerous deployments that require
more than a military solution. While the operations are understood to be
usually placed under the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO), projecting leadership on such operations includes
incorporating the lessons of the peace operations of Afghanistan. Still, some
are asking where the Canadian peacekeeping has gone. Prime Minister Steven
Harper still states that Canadians invented peacekeeping, are enthusiastic
leaders of such operations, and that is why the world needs a strong and
vigorous Canada. It appears as if "peacekeeping" has been replaced by hard
power and war-fighting.
The question is just what factors in the recent past, other
than "Liberal funding neglect," lead to the "major milestone" of the Canada
First policy? Part of the reasoning could include gaining Canada a "voice"
in the international arena, as well as to meet the global security threats
perceived to also be threats to Canada. By becoming a partner with its larger
neighbor, the United States, Canada can also hope to gain a voice in Washington
too, as well as in NATO. So, as a "middle power" is the intent of the Canada
First Defense Strategy also to give Canada military power to gain clout and a
"voice" in the United States, NATO and perhaps the United Nations?
Theoretical Framework Graham
Allison and Philip Zelikow (1999), in their study of the Cuban missile crisis,
defined the "hard core" of classical realism as two basic tenets. The first is
that states are unitary actors that are the key actors in international affairs
and that states act rationally that best maximize their interests in the
jungle of the international environment. The dominant goals of rational-acting
states are security and power, threats and opportunities.
The Allison and Zelikow model for their Rational Actor paradigm
has three organizing concepts. The first is that the nation or government is
the actor, a unitary actor, and treated as if "it" was a person with one set of
preferences and one set of perceived choices. For the purposes of this paper,
only the governmental decisions that gave rise to the Canada First policy are
considered. Why "Canada" created the military doctrine and what "Canada" hopes
to achieve in the way of international influence and national security is the
perspective. Second, threats and opportunities in the international
"marketplace" move the nation to act for its preferences and third, the actor
makes a value maximizing choice the maximizes national goals and interests
1.
The choice must be value maximizing and take into account
relevant values and objectives. The analyst, according to Allison and Zelikow,
needs to place himself/herself in the place of the government or nation. The
rational action of the government is viewed by examination of the strategic
environment and the statements, papers and speeches (taken together) of
government officials that are charged with making value-maximizing choices for
their nation.
The basic assumptions are that the actor, the nation, makes a
choice that can increase preferred outcomes or decrease an undesired outcome.
The two most common reasons why Canada chooses peacekeeping in the past,
according to Kimberly Marten (2006), is that is that the niche of peacekeeping
enabled Canada, as a middle power, to be able to gain much more influence and
authority than the nation could otherwise have 2. What are
looked at in this paper will be gathered from the Canada First policy, past
papers and reports of actors that help make decisions and the actions of actors
that make decisions for the nation.
Data will be gathered using the process-tracing method, with
theory-in-hand, or "theory-oriented process-tracing," and rational actor model
as described by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow above. Alexander George and
Andrew Bennett (2005) describe process tracing as "indispensable for theory
testing" the method can be used for narrow the list of possible causes and
allows for the mapping out one or more causal explanations for the outcome
under investigation. Process tracing can be used to generate a general
explanation, because of lack of data (or time constraints) or "selectively
focusing on what are thought to be "important parts of an adequate or
parsimonious explanation" 3.
To investigate the "disappearance of Canadian peacekeeping,"
especially after the Cold War and the September 11, 2001, attacks requires
tracing some of the casual factors and independent variables that gave rise to
the dependent variable, the Canada First strategy and the modern, new" Canadian
national security paradigm and an increase of national defense spending.
Just what is meant by "peacekeeping?" It is important to work with a definition to understand how
the new Canada First strategy differs from "traditional peacekeeping" or how
the new strategy is similar. The first definition of "peacekeeping" is offered
by Paul Diehl (1994) in that:
Peacekeeping is therefore the imposition of neutral and
lightly armed interposition forces...;and with the permission of the state on
whose territory these forces are deployed, in order to discourage a renewal of
military conflict and promise an environment under which the underlying dispute
can be resolved. Peacekeeping functions including observation, interposition,
maintaining law and order, and humanitarian activity
4.
Dennis C. Jett (2001) offers some additional definitions for
other types of actions-other-than war which are of use in this paper. Jett
additionally defines "peacekeeping" as the deployment of a UN presence
in the field, with the consent of the parties, involving UN military personnel,
but also civilian and police personnel - and restricted rules of engagement.
Also Jett offers other definitions of actions other than war missions. One such
definition is "peace enforcement," which is "military combat operations
conducted by UN authorized forces in which combat power or threat of combat
power is used to compel compliance with UN sanctions or resolution." "Peace
building" is "rebuilding institutions and infrastructure to create
conditions of peace." "Protective engagement" is the "employing of
military means to provide safe havens or a security environment for
humanitarian operations" 5. However, "peace operations" is defined on
the Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada website as "a simple
label for a huge range of connected military, diplomatic and humanitarian
tasks, as diverse as reforming justice and security systems, disarming and
demobilizing troops, reintegrating them into peaceful pursuits, and supporting
humanitarian assistance" 6.
Origins of the Canada First policy
-"Where's the peacekeeping?" Canada's 2004 National Security Strategy
states that Canada's "diplomatic pursuit of international peace and security is
driven... by Canada's national security interests." This pursuit of Canadian
security is the rationale for the country's activism in both NATO and the UN
and its arms control and reduction policies that were begun during the Cold
War. This reflects the country's integrated approach to its security policy in
the "area of the 3Ds" of diplomacy, defense and development. The national
security document linked threats to Canada after September 11, 2001 to an open
society and that an integrated approach is required to contribute to
international security 7.
The February 2005 report, Meeting our Global
Responsibilities, stated that "Canadians have a sense beyond their
boarders" and that the Canadian Government's wants to "strengthen Canada's
contribution to peace, prosperity and security in the world." The 2005 budget,
which calls for a $12 billion for the Canadian Forces over the next five years
is intended to "better meet international security challenges." Among these
challenges for Canadian Forces were the War on Terrorism and establishing peace
and security in Haiti, engineering, medical and basic support and relief to
tsunami victims in Sri Lanka, and responses to domestic emergencies and
disasters, such as Hurricane Juan in Halifax. The strains, according to the
finance department, had placed strains on Canadian Forces personal and
resources and that as the world changes, the challenges of the military need to
change with it 8.
In the May 2008, Canada First Defense Policy, Canadian
Forces must not only be a strong partner with the United States on North
American defense, but must also be capable of "projecting leadership abroad by
making meaningful contributions to international security" and promises for the
future that the Canadian Forces will be able to conduct and lead major
international operations. The era of globalization means the Canada's
prosperity and security depend upon stability abroad. The international
community grapples with security challenges that Canada must also help address,
and these security challenges also effect Canadian national security:
Providing international leadership is vital if Canada is to
continue to be a credible player on the world stage. This will require the
Canadian Forces to have the necessary capabilities to make a meaningful
contribution across the full spectrum of international operations, from
humanitarian assistance to stabilization operations to combat
9.
Canada will continue to undertake missions under the auspices
of the UN and NATO, and at the same time, Canada First acknowledges that
today's humanitarian operations are dangerous. The idea of "projecting
leadership" is defined as Canada leading a navel operation or taking a role in
a large international campaign, such as in Afghanistan. The "lessons learned"
from the Afghanistan mission for projecting leadership abroad, countering
asymmetrical threats and post-conflict reconstruction efforts in support of
civilian authorities, as well maintain readiness for conflicts anywhere in the
world.
Time and again, failed and fragile states-and governments
that betray responsibilities to protect their own citizens-jeopardize
international order and test the strength of our convictions. These are times
for capable countries to take a stand. Far from breaching its responsibility to
its citizens, the Afghan government has invited international help. An
effective international response can serve Canadian interests and give
practical force to our shared values. Reasserting Canada's international
reputation for reliability in Afghanistan can enhance Canada's own influence in
resolving crises in the future 10.
The "Manley Report", the report from an independent panel on
Canada's role in Afghanistan, states that "Afghanistan is at war, and Canadians
are combatants." The view is that a stable and better governed Afghanistan
contributes to international security, which also includes the security of
Canada. While violence and destruction are a problem in one of the world's
poorest countries, there is progress in the social and economic areas. The
Manly Report declares that outcomes in Afghanistan and Canada's role in the
outcomes "will directly affect Canada's security, our reputation in the world,
and our future ability to engage the international community in achieving
objectives of peace, security and shared prosperity" 11.
Sean Manley in December 2001 wrote that the analysts of
Canadian national security policy are in two camps. The first camp is the "soft
power" that is in line with "Canadian values" promoted by Lloyd Axworthy. The
proponents of the Lloyd Axworthy camp believe that the prime motivator of
Canada's international military involvement is to project these ill-defined
Canadian values into troubled regions of the world. Manley writes that Canada's
three main interests are "economic prosperity, protection of that prosperity
and the physical safety of Canadians as home and abroad. Manley believes that
the basis of Canadian values were those expressed by St. Laurent government in
1948, and that these values are relevant Canadian interests today: military
security, economic strength and "national unity at home," and a willingness to
play a creative role in international affairs 12.
Manley also writes that the second camp believes that Canada's
reputation overseas is not that Canadians are "kinder, gentler Americans," but
is remembered for 100 years of military strength. Manley writes that Europeans
especially remember the Canadian role in the liberation of the Dutch, Italians
and Germans in the World Wars and the Balkans peoples remember the Canadian
willingness to deploy Leopard tanks against them in Croatia and Kosovo. Manley
writes that the contact that most people in other lands, especially the "Third
World," have with Canadian peacekeepers are as "nice," easily duped, with
ill-defined values, poorly equipped and fettered by overly legalistic rules of
engagement 13.
On Peacekeepers' Day, August 8, 2008, Prime Minister Stephen
Harper gave tribute to Canada's peacekeepers and peacekeeping as part of
Canada's military tradition and the country's commitment to "build a safe and
secure world." Harper pointed out that Canadian Forces "have been the most
enthusiastic participants in," and the "experienced leaders of peacekeeping
operations around the world":
Peacekeeping is one of the examples why the world needs a
strong and vigorous Canada. Today, with our investments in a modern military,
Canada is better able to contribute to international operations that bring
security and stability to those who need it the most 14.
The declaration by PM Harper that Canada's interest in "strong
and vigorous" peacekeeping for the "what the world needs" is the reason why
Canadian activism of an international character is focused on the abolition of
anti-personnel landmines. The most vigorous activism appears to be from the
Canadian Landmine Foundation, founded in June 1999 by Lloyd Axworthy and other
prominent Canadians. The mission, according to the foundations website, is to
build partnerships for action against landmines and to "remind Canadians of the
international leadership provided by the Government of Canada" 15.
Defense Minister Peter MacKay (2007) argued in his article for
Diplomat that the successes of the role Canada is playing in the
Afghanistan mission is a good example of how Canada now has taken a more robust
approach to stand up for democracy, liberty and the rule of law in the
international community and help foster global stability. Canada intends to
play a role in partnership with the United States to meet threats against North
America and to work with NATO allies on issues of global security 16.
In a 2006 speech on the Canadian mission in Afghanistan,
General Hillier highlighted Canada's interests in Afghanistan's stability and
eradicating the al-Qaeda elements there. Also, General Hillier described the
Canadian efforts in reconstructing the country, the creation of safe schools,
and the combat courage against Taliban terrorist elements that also pose a
threat to Canadians, as well as international security. General Hillier
described as a "transition" the leaving behind the idea of "traditional
Canadian peacekeeping" and the "traditional inter-positioning of troops between
two belligerents who just need some help in implementing a peace accord is no
more." General Hillier hints that Canada will be more selective in the missions
it undertakes, and that the missions Canada undertakes will not only be in
Canada's interests, but "help the less fortunate." General Hillier was
described as having achieved the "return" of the Canadian Forces from the
"shame of the Somalia" and "reconnected the Defense Department to the Canadian
public" 17.
General Hillier, according to Steven Staples (2006), was on the
front lines in the idea that the Canadian Forces are a war fighting force and
that peacekeeping is a "quaint anachronism." The decision to give General
Hillier the keys to revamp the Canadian Forces was made by the Liberal Paul
Martin government, which gave the General a blank check to upgrade the Canadian
Forces. Then, in a 21 March 2005 meeting, the decision was made to increase
Canadian combat involvement in Afghanistan:
General Hillier arrived at the meeting with something much
bigger in mind. He wanted to send a 1,000-strong battle group to Kandahar. The
mission would change Canada's role at the time from conducting NATO peace
support roles in the north, to a combat, counter-insurgency role in the south.
Such a large combat role for Canada would impress the Americans, who had been
suffering heavy losses, and wanted to rotate out 4,000 troops from Afghanistan
for duty in Iraq 18.
Staples argues that General Hillier's push to revamp the
Canadian Forces, especially for a transformed peace support role to combat role
in Afghanistan, was mainly to impress the United States, but also to return
Canadian Forces back to its war-fighting capability. Some military experts
believe that Canada's war-fighting capability has suffered as a result of the
overemphasis on peacekeeping and that the images of the Canadian Forces as "boy
scout peacekeepers" had to be broken to return the Forces back to its main
purposes, which is to defend Canada and fight wars 19.
In further reconciling the "changing face of peacekeeping" the
Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada website as of 13 June
2008 further explains that the change of peace operations has taken place as a
result of the end of the Cold War. The conflicts that required "traditional
peacekeeping" are unsuitable for internal conflicts and require civil
organizations and non-governmental actors to implement humanitarian efforts
where conflict resolution is no longer the exclusive domain of the United
Nations 20.
The Canada First Defense policy is mainly a list of needed
military hardware and infrastructure and the amount of dollars expected to be
spent to make up for years of "Liberal neglect." The main purpose is to protect
Canada and Canadians, but also to "bolster our ability to defend our values and
interests abroad" as well as to be a strong and reliable partner in North
American security. While likening the Canada First strategy to "managing your
mortgage, electricity bill and cost of groceries," Defense Minister MacKay
argued that the strategy is an innovative approach the rebuilding of Canada's
military in order to protect Canadian security and sovereignty and "to fulfill
a leadership role abroad." The Canada First strategy is about the acquisition
of the right equipment and training of personnel, that is predictable, to help
defend Canada, but to garnish leadership abroad:
The Government has established a level of ambition for the
Canadian Forces that will enable them to meet the country's defence needs,
enhance the safety and security of Canadians and support the Government's
foreign policy and national security objectives. To fulfill these commitments,
the Canadian Forces must be able to deliver excellence at home, be a strong and
reliable partner in the defence of North America, and project leadership abroad
by making meaningful contributions to international security
21.
The Canadian Forces will be capable of carrying out, according
to the Canada First strategy, the "six core missions" of daily continental
operations with NORAD, responding to a major terrorist attack, supporting
Canadian civil authorities in time of natural disaster, supporting major
events, like the 2010 Vancouver Olympics, and have the ability to deploy
anywhere in the world and conduct and lead an international operation for an
extended period. The Strategy commits Canadian Forces to maintain
interoperability with American forces and to be a "strong and reliable partner
in North American defense, especially in collaborating with NORAD and bilateral
military exercises" 22.
The Strategy also commits Canada to "projecting leadership
abroad" to make Canada a "credible player on the world stage." This requires
that Canadian Forces have the military capabilities to undertake missions that
involve combat, to stability operations, to humanitarian assistance.
"Projecting leadership" can take a variety of forms, such as leading a navel
task group, to a taking part in large international missions, conducted under
the auspices of the United Nations or NATO. "Leadership," according to the
Strategy, requires the ability to be well equipped and capable of deploying
"boots on the ground." The Strategy declares that Canada has learned to project
leadership through the lessons in operational planning and training in
Afghanistan. These lessons include the maintenance of combat capable forces,
access to the right type of equipment to do a myriad of tasks, and working
closely with other partners 23.
Analysis. In the early 1990's Canadian
peacekeepers in the former Yugoslavia suffered from various, at times,
humiliating setbacks. In December 1993, Canadian peacekeepers were disarmed and
assaulted by Bosnian Serbs. The Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was
upset, but opposed NATO strikes on the emboldened Bosnian Serbs. The
Chrétien government expressed to NATO the growing dissatisfaction of the
ill-defined UN mission where Canadian troops were increasingly vulnerable in
the war zones. "There are limits to being a Boy Scout" Chrétien once
remarked 24.
Kimberly Martin (2006) states that public opinion regarding the
Canadian military and its peacekeepers declined after the March 1993 beating
and torture death of a Somali boy who broke into the Canadian Airborne Regiment
camp. This scandalous and criminal behavior tarnished the entire Canadian
Forces in the minds of the public. The incident also caused a stinging look at
Canadian peacekeeper training, discipline and leadership. The disbanding of the
airborne unit was seen by some in the military as an overreaction and an unfair
tarnishing of the Forces because of the actions of a criminal few 25.
This new era, world order reality, the view has shifted away
from the away from the peacekeeping of the Cold War argues Douglas Bland and
Sean Maloney (2003). In their chapter on defense reconstruction and
transformation of Canadian Forces the authors argue that "robustness" is needed
to meet commitments to stability campaigns and world order operations. The
authors argue that the stability campaigns of this new era are much different
from the old peacekeeping. In former times, peacekeeping of the Cold War,
military forces were deployed in areas where the use of significant military
forces was not anticipated. Today, modern stability operations from the
Balkans, to the Congo, to Afghanistan, require fully armed infantry, backed up
by tanks and with "robust rules of engagement," able to bring enough force to
defeat national armies, militias, gangs and impose order and stability on local
leaders or governments 26.
The hypothesis that peacekeeping as the "Canadian way" has been
replaced by more "hard" security issues, can be said to be true, but replaced
by stability missions and missions that are more of a peace enforcement and
peace building character. While the term "peacekeeping" appears to have
disappeared from policy papers and documents, the need for robust forces, or,
in the words of Prime Minister Harper, "peacekeeping needs a strong and
vigorous Canada" in order to "bring security and stability to those who need it
the most." The Manley Report touts the successes in Canada's role in
Afghanistan as in the best interests of Canadian security and this success can
be seen through civil projects, as well, and is reflective of Defense Minister
MacKay's idea of "helping the less fortunate." While at war with real Taliban
combatants, the Canadian role includes stability building aimed to enhance
stability and curb the global reach of al-Qaeda.
General Hillier, as Defense Chief of Staff, not only advocated
for transformations to make Canadian forces more effective, but the ability to
engage in tough "no fail" missions. General Hillier transformed the Canadian
mission from one of peace support in the north to the combat operations in the
south of Afghanistan. At the same time, General Hillier broke the "Boy Scout"
image of the Canadian peacekeeper that some experts believe was eroding the war
fighting capabilities of the Canadian Forces. The main mission of the Canadian
Forces, argues General Hillier, is to defend Canada, Canadian interests and "to
kill people" in the course of these two main missions.
Although the word "peacekeeping" has disappeared from
Canadian defense discourse, the Canadian role in Afghanistan, which includes
civil projects, such as the building of schools and training of police, as well
as combat against the "noncompliant" Taliban forces, can be described as having
elements of Jett's "peace building" and the continued use of force against the
Taliban can be viewed as "peace operations." Taken together, these can be
viewed as the robust stability missions described by Douglas Bland and Sean
Maloney (2003) rather than the "lightly armed imposition forces" and the
"restricted" rules of engagement of peacekeeping defined by Paul Diehel (1994).
The Canadian role in Afghanistan can be described as a "peace operation" as
defined on the Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada
website.
Jennifer Cambell (2008) writes, "Blue berets and Lester
Pearson; good Boy Scouts and honest brokers. If you were thinking about Canada
on the international stage even just 20 years ago, those were apt symbols and
metaphors. That said, it's clear Canada's role as a peacekeeping nation is
shifting" 27 . Actually, what have shifted are the
definitions of "peacekeeping," as opposed to "peace operations" and "stability
operations." David Pugliese (2008) writes that the aggressive and proactive
approach in military power has gained Canada new clout on the world stage,
especially related to the Afghanistan mission. The robust policy of the Canada
First defense strategy, begun under the Prime Minster Paul Martin, has replaced
peacekeeping, largely due to less peacekeeping missions, but also because
senior military officers, especially Defense Chief of Staff , General Rick
Hillier, have shifted away from peacekeeping missions to more quick response,
combat-oriented missions 28.
Both Prime Minister Harper and Defense Minister MacKay have
argued that a strong and vigorous Canada is needed to contribute to
international security, which is viewed as also enhancing the security of
Canada. On the August 9, 2008 observance of Canada's first National
Peacekeepers' Day, Prime Minister Harper noted that one of the reasons for the
new investments in the modern military by Canada is to "help the less
fortunate" and is better able to contribute to international operations that
bring security and stability to those who need it most" 29.
There is a realization that the globalizing world is a dangerous place and that
the failure of a nation or manifestation of terrorism in one nation on the
opposite end of the globe can threaten the peace and security of Canada. Part
of the rational for the Canadian desire to increase military capabilities is to
not only be successful in stability missions, but to avoid the upsetting and
humiliating incidents that Canadian peacekeepers suffered during at least some
of the Bosnian conflicts. Unlike the argument that is offered by Steven Staples
(2006) above, Canadian peacekeeping can be said to have changed to face new
realities of the new era, a fact also stated in the Canada First Strategy - and
that Canadian "peacekeeping" has not been lost out to the interests of the
United States' War on Terrorism 30.
One of the achievements of Canadian diplomacy was the creation
of the anti-landmine treaty, the Ottawa Treaty, of December 1997, of which 122
countries have joined. On the 10th anniversary of the convention, there were
"celebrations" by Canadian embassies all over the world, especially Latin
American countries, which noted Canada's international leadership on the issue
of landmines. As stated above, the Canadian Landmine Foundation, founded by
prominent Canadians, has a strong history of building significant partnerships
for mine action and of reminding Canadians of the international leadership
provided by the Government of Canada. The group is connected to the Canadian
Association of Veterans in UN Peacekeeping and worked together to get
legislation to recognize National Peacekeepers' Day in Canada on 9 August
31.
On August 9 observance of 2008, about the only occasion that a
Canadian official used the word "peacekeeping," Prime Minster Harper stated
that Canada "invented peacekeeping" and that "peacekeeping is a part of
Canadian military tradition" and "Canada's commitment to build a more safe and
secure world. Harper also stated that Canadians are, as mentioned above,
experienced leaders and enthusiastic participants in global peacekeeping
activities 32. John Manley wrote that the world, especially
in Europe, know the Canadians as liberators in the World Wars and for 100 years
of military strength, as well as the peacekeeping past 33.
A concern of Steven Staples (2006), along with the loss of
Canadian "peacekeeping" is that General Hillier transformed the Canadian
mission from one of peace support in the north to the combat operations in the
south to relieve the force of 4,000 Americans. This policy started the process
of transformation by General Hiller of the Canadian Forces from "peacekeeping"
to "war fighting only" in an effort to please Washington, according to Staples.
The stated aims of the Canada First policy are to be a strong and reliable
partner with the United States in mainly North America defense 34.
The successes of the "projection of leadership" and the
Canadian efforts in Afghanistan may have already earned Canada clout in
Washington and in NATO. In a March 2006 meeting between President Bush and
Prime minster Harper in Mexico, President Bush expressed his respect for Canada
and that "the people in my country who respect Canada and have great relations
with Canadians, and we intend to keep it that way." Both leaders acknowledged
that their countries shared the same values, such as the respect for the rule
of law, democracy and human rights, but admitted that both countries often
disagree on how to defend and advance their shared values. President Bush
further expressed his appreciation of the Canadian efforts in Afghanistan, in
combating the Taliban tyrants there, helping with schools and civil society and
the helping the suffering of the Afghanis with their fledgling democracy
35.
In January 2008, an independent panel recommended that Canada
end the mission in Afghanistan unless NATO send an additional 1,000 troops and
equipment to Kandahar. The Harper administration, fed up that other NATO
nations were not sending additional troops, then issued an "ultimatum" to
Washington that Canada would end its mission in Afghanistan will not be
extended beyond the February 2009 deadline 36. A NATO
spokesman stated that "Canada has played and continues to play a very important
role in a strategically important part of Afghanistan and we would like to see
that role continue" and the Alliance said that it agreed with Canada's
assessment. About a month later, President Bush agreed to provide an additional
1,000 troops to Canada's request and in the background was the prospect that
France would also send hundreds of additional troops to eastern Afghanistan to
help NATO-led forces 37. In this instance, the Canadian
"request" for more troops was listen to, eventually, when there was the threat
to not renewing the mission beyond February 2009 - and part of honoring the
"request" was expressed in the respect for Canada's success in the
"strategically important part of Afghanistan." The Canada First strategy of May
2008 is not only intended to enhance Canadian national security, but to give
the country a direction toward being taken more seriously in international
forums such as NATO, the UN and the United States through the "successes" in
Afghanistan.
Conclusion. It appears that the
United States and NATO took the Canadian "ultimatum" of withdrawal from the
Afghanistan mission seriously and Washington responded with the addition of
1,000 more American troops to Kandahar. There was also a plea from NATO to
continue in the Kandahar role. This indicates that Canada has gained some clout
and a voice in the forums that it wants to be heard from its successful role
and mission in Afghanistan. Also, Canada is demonstrating that it is a strong
and reliable partner with the United States in North American defense. This
defense partnership will only project the Canadian voice even stronger in
Washington in the future. So far, the "projection of leadership" appears to
have had some effect.
The Canada First strategy is an evolution from the
post-Cold War, post September 11 terrorist attacks that acknowledges a new
reality that failing nations and instability can be viewed a threat to the
security and safety of Canada and Canadians. The ability to "bring stability"
to enhance national security requires, in this new order and globalizing age,
more than just the lightly armed and rule restricted peacekeepers of
traditional peacekeeping. Today's stability missions require the ability to
defeat national armies, well trained insurgences, as well as criminal gangs. In
his speech of the first observance of National Peacekeepers' Day, Prime
Minister Harper declared that the world needs as strong Canada. The prime
minster's statements indicate that peacekeeping has not been replaced by
hard power, but updated and expanded to make Canadian peacekeepers tougher,
better equipped and better trained to do the job, if asked, and if it's in
Canada's national interests, including "projecting leadership abroad."
TOP
Endnotes
1. Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow.
Essence of decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis. (New York, NY:
Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers), 1999. 24.
2. Kimberly Marten. "Lending Forces:
Canada's Military Peacekeeping" in Handbook of Canadian Foreign Policy,
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12. Ibid., 45,47-48.
13. Ibid., 49.
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31. Canadian Landmine Foundation. Foreign
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34. Staples 2006, 20.
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